REDD + politics in the media A case study from Brazil

The core idea of REDD—reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation—is to reward individuals, communities, projects and countries that reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions from forests. Adopted under the UNFCCC (United Nations Framework Convention for Climate Change), the mechanism aims to compensate tropical countries for the carbon benefits that their standing forests (‘avoided emissions' + ‘carbon stocks') contribute to mitigating climate change. The objective of the analysis contained in this working paper is to characterise the nature of the discourse related to REDD+ in the Brazilian press from 2005 to 2009, identifying the principal actors who led this debate in the media as well as their positions—as either advocates or adversaries of a particular view on REDD+ —as these positions evolved during this period. This study is part of CIFOR's Global Comparative Study (GCS) on REDD+, which analyses REDD+ policy, practice and implementation and disseminates lessons learned to a national and global audience. CIFOR's goal is to generate knowledge and practical tools to support efforts to reduce forest emissions in ways that are effective, efficient and equitable (3Es) and that generate co-benefits such as poverty alleviation and biodiversity conservation (3Es+).

We would also like to thank Myanna Lahsen for her input in the general set-up of the study, and Luciana Ferreira da Silva, who validated our coding of the selected articles.In addition, we thank the 5 national journalists who answered detailed interviews on the key organisations, events and actors in REDD+ strategy development in Brazil.For remaining errors of interpretation, the authors take full responsibility.

Executive summary
The core idea of REDD-reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation-is to reward individuals, communities, projects and countries that reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions from forests.Adopted under the UNFCCC (United Nations Framework Convention for Climate Change), the mechanism aims to compensate tropical countries for the carbon benefits that their standing forests ('avoided emissions' + 'carbon stocks') contribute to mitigating climate change.
The objective of the analysis contained in this working paper is to characterise the nature of the discourse related to REDD+ in the Brazilian press from 2005 to 2009, identifying the principal actors who led this debate in the media as well as their positions-as either advocates or adversaries of a particular view on REDD+ -as these positions evolved during this period.Such an analysis contributes to the broader goal of the CIFOR project on REDD+, to identify and characterise key decisions and actors in the policy network associated with the direction taken by REDD+ strategies at a national level.
To achieve this objective, a media analysis of news articles, notes and editorials published in 4 major Brazilian newspapers was carried out.The media analysis sought specifically to answer: (1) How is REDD+ represented in the Brazilian media?(2) What REDD+-related policies and positions were discussed in the Brazilian media during this formative period?and (3) Who is influencing these discussions?The analysis investigates how discourse around REDD+ policy debates is framed in the mainstream Brazilian press, identifying media frames, the main actors and their positions on REDD+, looking at a range of variables at different levels.In addition, key informant interviews were conducted with journalists who write about REDD+-related issues in major Brazilian newspapers.
As the results of the analysis indicate, despite the global importance of deforestation in the Amazonthe world's largest remaining tropical forest-Brazil is taking only initial steps towards REDD+ design, and that these steps are concentrated amongst a few key actors.
This analysis suggests that the Brazilian print media has emphasised policymaking concerns and economic issues involving finance and carbon markets at the expense of some of the more specific institutional issues (such as land tenure and carbon rights) related to REDD+ implementation.However, amongst the social actors directly engaged with the issues, the REDD+ debate in Brazil is quite rich and has been progressing for some time, especially in relation to the issues of deforestation, environmental crime and social injustice.However, these themes have not received due media attention in the mainstream press.
Although REDD+ implementation is occurring in Brazil in a decentralised manner, the analysis shows that deliberations and outcomes resulting from specialised or niche meetings and announcements do not receive much press coverage.The media are better able to cover issues related to policymaking initiatives and REDD+ funding and its additionality because of the wealth of related primary media sources, particularly on the Internet, where reporting is primarily oriented towards preparations for and outcomes from major global events such as the UNFCCC Conferences of the Parties (COPs).
The analysis also reveals that a number of central actors are involved in the REDD+ debate in Brazil, most of whom represent national non-governmental organisations, Amazonian states or the federal government.Most of these actors consider REDD+ to be positive for Brazil and for forest conservation, but they sometimes disagree over strategy, distribution or control over resources.The media analysis confirms that this disagreement amongst actors in relation to REDD+ implementation strategies dominates the national debate, and, indeed, appears to have led to delays in making concrete decisions on REDD+ at the national level.
An equally important finding is that the media have the capacity to influence political positions in the Brazilian REDD+ context; for this reason, the media focused on the issues in which the major policy actors sought to gain the upper hand, rather than addressing the minutiae of policy implementation.During the very early stages of REDD+ policy definition, journalists perceived these policy arenas as being of primary importance.

Introduction
It is generally assumed that the mass media influence policy and political processes (Crow 2010).Whilst the media can create awareness about policy issues (Crow 2010), they can also contribute to the creation of political identity (Dittmer 2005, in Boykoff 2008).Actors in the role of policy entrepreneurs often influence policies and processes in these same ways (Kingdon 1995, in Crow 2010).
This working paper uses a media analysis to examine how the Brazilian media has approached the topic of reducing emissions from deforestation and degradation (REDD+), with the aim of assessing how the media approach is influencing this policy arena in Brazil.

Media framing approach
Following Boykoff (2008), this study explored media frames and complemented them with information from semi-structured interviews to investigate the link between media discourse and the policymaking arena in Brazil.A media frame is 'a broad organizing theme for selecting, emphasizing, and linking the elements of a story such as the scenes, the characters, their actions, and supporting documentation' (Bennett 1996, in Boykoff 2008:555).In practice, a frame is a conceptual lens that brings certain aspects of reality into sharper focus, emphasising a particular way of understanding an issue whilst relegating others to the background (Di Gregorio 2009).
For this study we began by identifying the most important (or primary) frame.The primary frame is almost always found in the most prominent elements of a text: headline, subheading and lead paragraph.The primary frame is also likely to quote sources in support of the frame; these are more likely to be named, and more likely to be prestigious, than in subsidiary frames.For the sake of 'balance', the frame is likely to include a rebuttal, or an alternative view to that initially proposed.However, 'adversaries' are often given less prominence, space or direct voice than 'primary definers' (the 'advocate' of the primary frame) (Di Gregorio 2009).
After eliminating the elements of the text that support the primary frame, we identified a secondary frame by grouping the remaining text according to themes and assessing their position in the text, as well as the nature and extent of the quoted sources.Examining the causes of this variation from the perspective of networks of discourse and policymaking interaction amongst relevant organisations and knowledge brokers, the project collects empirical data for rigorous comparative analysis.

Media coding
The media coding included 5 main variables at 3 different levels.The main characteristics of the variables employed are summarised in Table 1.

An analysis of the 3Es
As discussed above, a key concern of CIFOR's GCS is that efforts to reduce forest emissions are undertaken in ways that are effective, efficient and equitable (3Es) and that generate co-benefits such as poverty alleviation and biodiversity conservation (3Es+).This media analysis pays particular attention to the extent to which the 3Es+ are portrayed as objectives of Brazilian strategy in the national press, as well as to identifying to which actors these aims are most relevant.
The 3Es+ criteria of REDD+ are defined as follows: • Effectiveness refers to the amount of emissions reduced or removals increased by REDD+ actions.Are the overall climate targets met? • Efficiency refers to the costs of these emissions reductions or removal increases.Are the targets being achieved at minimum cost?• Equity refers to the distribution of REDD+ costs and benefits.Are the benefits shared and the costs allocated fairly?(Angelsen et al. 2009 Variables analysing the primary and secondary frames are those that characterise these frames, as well as their types, topic and level.Also included are the manner in which the article framed the REDD+ debate (e.g.diagnostic, prognostic, symptomatic, motivational); the political scale at which it framed the debate (e.g.international, national, subnational); and the specific topics around which it framed the debate (e.g.political, economic, ecological).

Protest events
Article level: Refers to all protest events mentioned in the article This third group of variables is based on the content of each article as a whole (rather than on single frames).We use the broad definition of environmental protest events in Fillieule and Jimenez (2006:273), in which a environmental protest event is defined as 'a collective, public action regarding issues in which explicit concerns about the environment [in our case REDD+ protest events] are expressed as a central dimension, organized by non-state instigators with the explicit purpose of critique or dissent together with societal and/or political demands' (Di Gregorio 2009:4).

Policy events
Article level: Refers to all policy events mentioned in the articles This variable includes the type of policy event, along with any responses to it.As for the protest event analysis, policy event analysis is based on the content of each article as a whole (rather than on the single frames).We define a policy event as 'a critical, temporally located decision point in a collective decision-making sequence that must occur in order for a policy option to be finally selected' (Laumann and Knoke 1987:251).

Policy actors
Article level: Refers to all policy actors mentioned in the article other than the advocate and adversary The last group of variables collects all the relevant core policy actors mentioned in the media articles (apart from the advocates and adversaries of the 2 main frames).We define a core actor as 'an organisation or/and individual that defines it/he/ herself and that is perceived by others a part of the national policy domain' (Di Gregorio 2009:5).
mechanisms, policy processes, institutional context and macro-economic conditions.It is thus hypothesised that the 3E+ outcomes of a country's national REDD+ strategy can be enhanced by understanding the relationships between actors, structures, processes and policies; and by designing appropriate options for REDD+ mechanisms which incorporate this understanding (Brockhaus and Peskett 2009).All 4 newspapers selected pride themselves in journalistic quality, fact checking and editorial selectivity.They are politically middle-of-theroad rather than adopting any particular stance.Folha de S. Paulo, for example, publishes a weekly ombudsman's page in which journalistic slant is analysed statistically, and often harshly criticised.All 4 newspapers have assumed a non-partisan position.

Regional newspapers: From the Brazilian Amazon region
We considered but ultimately rejected the idea of including regional newspapers in our sample.This decision was based on 2 factors.First, preliminary research revealed very few articles exclusively dedicated to REDD+ in regional newspapers.For example, a search of O Liberal, the newspaper with the highest circulation in Pará, the most populous state in the Amazon, revealed a total of only 5 articles during the entire 5-year period.Second, many regional newspapers, particularly those in Acre and Amazonas-states with environmentally progressive governments that would be expected to generate high interest in REDD+ -do not maintain online databases of their articles.In the limited time and with the restricted resources available for this analysis, it would not have been viable to travel to these states to review archives locally.However, such a review would be of value in analysing regional policy networks at a later stage of the GCS.
It is also worth noting that many newspapers in the Brazilian Amazon region are highly dependent on local governments.This is the case for newspapers in Acre (which are maintained by state-supported advertising) and in Pará (O Liberal and the Diário do Pará), which belong to local political groups.This dependency generally influences the selection of issues covered, the editorial bias and the quality of reporting.

Semi-structured interviews
With the aim of validating coding results and complementing data for the media-framing exercise, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 4 journalists in Brazil.The interviewees were selected based on their relevance in the climate change and REDD+ debate in the media.The interviews were able to provide more in-depth information and details with regard to the main debated issues, actors and positions in the REDD+ policy arena.
Questions were organised into 3 main sections.In the first set of questions, respondents were asked to describe the major actors, the main debated issues and the frames that different actors use to justify their positions on debated issues.In the second set of questions, respondents were asked to detail the chronology of the main REDD+ policy events, as reported by the media.Finally, they were asked to indicate the main sources of information for the media generally and for their organisation in particular.
The 4 journalists interviewed as part of this study were:

Article selection
In searching for articles we used the following keywords and their Portuguese equivalents:

The media landscape: Evolution of coverage on climate change and forests in the Brazilian press
The following discussion describes how forest and climate change policies have evolved in Brazil and how this evolution engaged key actors and interest groups during the study period.Although the analysis refers to the articles reviewed for this study, it offers more a descriptive overview of the 'news landscape' within which forest-related issues have been covered than an overview of the data.
Coverage of themes such as the relationship between climate and forests began to appear frequently in the largest Brazilian newspapers in 2007, with the announcement by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) that climate change was a real phenomenon largely caused by human activity, and that mitigating it and adapting to it would require changes in human behaviour.The topic of REDD, however, never appeared at that stage as an isolated theme: it was always related to deforestation rates and climate change negotiations.
During 2007, petroleum prices reached very high levels and, for the first time, the automotive industry in Brazil began to sell more 'flex' cars (running on alcohol or gasoline at the operator's discretion) than gasoline-powered vehicles (the Brazilian automotive fleet is currently 90% dominated by flexfuel vehicles; DCR 2010).Press coverage began to address climate change in more depth, and to include biofuel issues in its agenda, given Brazil's comparative advantage in renewable energy.
Issues regarding deforestation occupied little space in the press, because rates of deforestation had been declining since 2005.At the end of 2007, however, the National Institute of Space Research (INPE) identified new increases in deforestation-with 12 000 km 2 of deforestation at a time of year when such an expansion in clearing activity was unexpected because of the onset of heavy rainfall in the Amazon; this presaged an even higher peak in the dry 'burning season' in August.
This increase in deforestation sparked press interest in the issue, resulting in considerable media attention during 2008 on the polemic between the federal government/INPE and the state government of Mato Grosso.The Mato Grosso governor at the time, Blairo Maggi, and the state secretary of environment contested the INPE data. 5his unanticipated high rate of deforestation was used as support for the operations of the Brazilian Institute for Environment and Renewable Natural Resources (IBAMA) in the Arc of Deforestation region (agricultural frontier in the states of Rondônia, Mato Grosso and Pará), which imposed exemplary fines on a number of rural producers in Pará and Mato Grosso.The Maggi government pressed for an end to the operation.Ultimately, the governor relented, but the INPE changed its methodology and began to distinguish in its reports between 'clearcutting' and forest 'degradation' (INPE 2010).After 'making amends' with the federal government, Blairo Maggi began to present himself as a defender of environmental policies for the Amazon; this new attitude also became a theme in articles published in Brazilian newspapers. 6n May 2008, environmental issues returned to the agenda, following the resignation of Minister of Environment Marina Silva.Silva resigned after the Lula government handed the coordination of the Sustainable Amazon Plan (PAS) to the Secretary of Strategic Issues, rather than to the Ministry of Environment.This move was the last straw in a series of policy reversals indicating a weakening of the ministry's influence over cross-cutting concerns that, in addition to the Amazon, included introduction of genetically modified soybeans and the transposition of the San Francisco River.

Description of reviewed articles
In total, we selected 409 articles from the 4 newspapers.The distribution of these articles by the main keywords is illustrated in Figure 1.
The remaining keywords proposed did not result in the selection of additional articles for the sample, and were considered redundant.
The numbers of REDD+-related articles published in each year of the study period (2005)(2006)(2007)(2008)(2009) are given in Figure 2. As is clear from the figure, the largest number of articles on the subject appeared in 2009; indeed, many of these articles appeared only in the last few months of that year-immediately prior to, during and after COP 15.All newspapers except Folha de S. Paulo published more REDD+related articles in 2009 than in the preceding 4 years combined.
Of the 409 articles, 164 were not coded beyond level 1 because they made only passing mention of REDD+.Therefore, 245 articles were coded in depth.
The term 'REDD+' generally appears in the Brazilian press in association with broader themes related to climate change and forests, as it is commonly perceived as an option for dealing with the country's share of global GHG emissions.Typically, REDD+ is not the main theme of the article; rather, it frequently appears only as a minor theme.The main subjects of most articles that mention REDD+ tend to be, for example, climate change, Conference of the Parties or rates of deforestation in the Brazilian Amazon.This observation was confirmed during interviews with the journalists.
REDD+ never appears as an isolated topic.It always appears linked to news on deforestation [in the Brazilian Amazon region], or to coverage of the climate change negotiations.These are the two themes that attract debates about REDD+.
-Claudio Ângelo I believe that this theme is strongly linked to news about deforestation rates.There was also considerable emphasis on REDD+ during the UNFCCC debates in Copenhagen.
-Washington Novaes In the Estado [de S. Paulo], REDD+ winds up being mentioned mainly in news about the international climate negotiations, within the context of the UNFCCC, or else when we carry news about projects in the Amazon and we use REDD+ projects as a theme.

REDD+ events covered by the press
The analysis also identified which domestic and international events influenced the debate on REDD+ in Brazil.Through the media analysis, we can identify which events received media attention and generated articles, thus driving press coverage of the subject.These events are not necessarily the same as those that specialists on the issue would identify as important, but they received considerable public attention.
Of A year later (early April 2009), the Katoomba Group meeting in Cuiaba (mentioned above), which attracted all the regional governors and more than 1000 participants, comprised an initial step in the creation of the Forum of Governors of the Legal Amazon.This forum, in which all governors of the Legal Amazon meet to advance REDD+ implementation at the subnational level and its relationship with national and global climate mitigation policies, represents one of the main subnational approaches to policy positioning on REDD+.

Analysis of media frames
As part of the methodology adopted for this study,8 we created 4 distinct categories to describe the types of frame: 1.The 'diagnostic' frame identifies who or what is to blame for a problem (related to REDD+), including who dismisses the reality of the problem altogether; 2. The 'prognostic' frame involves the articulation of a proposed solution to the problem, or at least a plan of attack, and the strategies that would be used to carry out the plan; 3. The 'symptomatic' frame identifies why an issue is a problem, often by discussing its potential consequences; and 4. The 'motivational' frame reveals moral and motivational reasons why the speaker and/or others should be concerned about the problem and take action on it or ignore it.
In this study, no articles were classified as motivational.
As shown in Figure 3  The focus did not become more varied until 2009.We identified a total of 80 articles (one-third of the total) that could be categorised as diagnostic (identifying the causes of a particular problem), with the proportion of articles in this category increasing in 2009 (recall, however, that a substantially higher number of articles was published that year because of COP 15).It was only at this stage that articles made diagnostic analyses of the chief drivers of land use change, in order to better inform readers of the reason for the increased international emphasis on deforestation and Brazil's important role in this.

Framing articles on REDD+
In total, 45 articles (17%) were coded as symptomatic (those that explore why an issue is a problem); such articles included those that discuss the consequences of a problem, for example, whether paying for environmental services can help to solve the deforestation problem in the Amazon, or the pros and cons of carbon trading.

Level of coverage: International, national, subnational and local scales
Most of the articles on REDD+ published in Brazil during the study period focused on international issues (Figure 4).Of the total, 122 articles-almost 50%-describe concerns at an international level.
The predominance of international issues altered over time.The international focus of press coverage was greatest in 2007, with international issues driving almost 70% of the articles.In 2009, 40% of the articles were coded as international.In both years, this coverage occurred in close correlation with the COPs (COP 13 in 2007 andCOP 15 in 2009).
In 2007, all articles coded as 'international' were published during COP 13.In contrast, in 2009, 30 of 67 articles coded as 'international' were published during COP 15 in December, with the remainder published during the lead-up to the event.
It is also easier for journalists to access information at the international level.International events receive greater media coverage because of the large volumes of information available on the Internet (e.g., via the UNFCCC website) and the numbers of NGOs that actively participate in the COPs and the international REDD+ debate.Journalists pointed to these as the main information sources for their articles.
Furthermore, the results indicate that international debates commanded considerable media attention because the general concept of REDD+ is being designed at this level.Brazil waited for more concrete explanations at the international level of how a REDD+ mechanism might operate and be financed before developing its own policy framework and releasing this to the press.
In 2008 and 2009, the national debate gained importance, mainly because of announcements by the federal government (related to the creation of the Amazon Fund and setting of GHG emissions  reduction targets) and meetings of Amazon state governors.During these years, the REDD+ debate reached the national policy agenda and became important in policy arenas.At this stage, the focus shifted to the need to act quickly at the national level to address the international demand for Brazil to take forest-related actions and investments.
This call for a rapid government response was not matched by the necessary capacity building at the national level, largely because this period coincided with preparations for presidential elections.The media devoted considerable attention to the participation of all three principal candidates at COP 15 and their positions on the need for urgent action.Despite this, it cannot be said that Brazilian REDD+ policy matured much during the study period.Nevertheless, the commitments expressed at the highest level by Brazil in Copenhagen and the advances made during the event in defining permissible REDD+ strategies later stimulated the formulation of national policy, to be described in a follow-up study.
During the lead-up to COP 15, state governors inserted themselves into the national debate in an attempt to influence the negotiating strategy that Brazil would adopt.For this reason, we have coded as 'national' rather than 'subnational' articles dealing with this form of politics by the Amazon regional governors.
We considered 'subnational' articles to be those that made reference only to individual states (e.g.Acre, Mato Grosso) or regions (e.g.Brazilian Amazon region or Amazonia), rather than to actions designed to influence the national-and thereby international-policy arena.
Few articles were coded as 'local'; such articles covered pilot REDD+ projects such as the Juma Sustainable Development Reserve and the implementation of the Bolsa Floresta Program in Amazonas state.

Media frame topics
In this section, we discuss the topics and metatopics of the primary media frames.In this part of the analysis, we first identify metatopics, and then break these down into more specific topics.
We identified 6 distinct metatopics (Figure 5).The metatopic 'Politics and policymaking', which refers to debates and policy processes for the design and implementation of REDD+, generated the most media coverage (49%).Articles covering economic issues, especially the debate over funding and the carbon market, represented 34% of the primary frames of the coded articles.
The numbers of articles that framed REDD+ for each topic are given in a detailed table in Annex 1.

Figure 5. Metatopics identified in Brazilian newspaper articles on REDD+
The results confirm that primary frames in the media discourse refer mostly to policymaking, clearly influenced by international negotiations and debates.In this discourse, REDD+ is framed as a political decision at both federal and state levels, with states struggling for more power and acting strategically in order to improve their prestige and socio-political leverage (e.g.see the section on 'policy events', with heavy media coverage of political announcements and meetings of Amazon regional governors).The media framing exercise confirms that the statefederal conflict has dominated the REDD+ discourse in Brazil, with states wanting to act independently of the federal government, adopting opposing positions in relation to funding, advocating a mechanism linked to carbon markets or seeking independent access to voluntary sources of financing.
The themes that receive the most media attention are related to policymaking and debates at the UNFCCC meetings, specifically the COPs, followed by economic issues (generally related to conflicts over the best way to finance the mechanism, whether through funds such as the Amazon Fund or through carbon markets) and, at a smaller scale, issues related to deforestation or pioneering REDD+ projects.
There is also some discussion, although to a much lesser degree, of REDD+ in relation to governance (always within the context of the Brazilian Amazon) and civil society engagement.
In the interviews, the journalists confirmed that the most important issues for newspapers, when discussing REDD+, are related to policy and economics.
What is of most interest to the Folha [Folha de S. Paulo], as an agenda, is first whether REDD+ is going to work; and second, how is it going to be implemented.And how much this is going to result in resources to avoid deforestation and conserve forests.The main issue is Money.
-Claudio Ângelo All the published articles and opinions reflect a level of contention amongst Brazilian actors regarding the relative desirability of permitting access to carbon markets as a means of financing REDD+, as opposed to the creation of a national fund controlled by the state, unrelated to compliance by developed countries.It is remarkable that these options have been widely perceived as mutually exclusive, given that they are potentially compatible, depending on the architecture adopted for recognising the contribution of emissions abatements to national targets.We discuss these positions and their advocates in depth in the next section.

Who shapes the REDD+ discourse in Brazil?
The last part of this analysis sought to identify which key players the newspapers choose to cite or interview for comment on issues related to REDD+, and who has a voice in the Brazilian press.We conducted a detailed identification of the main discourses used to represent ideological positions and beliefs.We then identified advocates, adversaries and their stances, qualifying their positions and interests in relation to the future of REDD+ implementation in Brazil, particularly with regard to the 3Es+.
Actors in a policy domain are here defined as 'an organization or/an individual that defines it/he/ herself and that is perceived by others [including the media] as part of the national policy domain' (Di Gregorio 2009).The principal actors who appear in the articles reviewed were described either as advocates or adversaries.An actor who supports (often proposes) the main argument of the primary frame of the article is defined as the 'advocate', whilst the actor who provides a counter-argument represents an 'adversary' role.As each frame could have only one advocate or adversary, other actors mentioned in the articles were recorded simply as 'actors'.
In all, 185 actors were identified and mentioned a total of 420 times.Actors appeared 128 times as primary frame advocates, 21 times as secondary frame advocates, 45 times as primary frame adversaries and 6 times as secondary frame adversaries.Several additional actors were mentioned in the articles a total of 220 times.The finding that only a small number of actors are cited frequently (Table 2) confirms that only these few key actors are driving REDD+ media coverage in Brazil.These actors have been engaged in the debate since the topic first appeared on the international agenda.Moutinho, for example, was one of the authors of the first Brazilian REDD+ proposal, submitted at the UNFCCC level in 2003, and Viana is implementing Brazil's first REDD+ project (specifically named as such), the Juma Sustainable Development Reserve Project.Naturally, these individuals are the 'go-to people' for journalists and have significant influence in the REDD+ debate both in the Brazilian media and in policy networks.

Policy actors
In interviews also, the journalists named Viana and the Sustainable Amazonas Foundation as an important source when writing about REDD+.Claudio Ângelo of the Folha de S. Paulo also named government representatives who act as negotiators at COPs as influential in REDD+ policy.
The most frequently cited organisation was the Ministry of Environment, which is the government department in charge of forest policies (Brazil has no dedicated ministry for forests).Other organisations that appear frequently include the Sustainable Amazonas Foundation, National Institute for Space Research, Ministry of Foreign Affairs and NGOs such as Greenpeace and WWF (Table 3).

Advocates and adversaries in REDD+ media frames
In the media framing process, advocates and adversaries represented in a given article are characterised in terms of their views on the potential of REDD+ to achieve its objectives and the stances they represent.Adversaries are not necessarily opposed to REDD+ but rather to the frame and often to the position espoused by the advocate of the position given in the coded article.
Taking into account only the 199 actors that were identified as either advocates or adversaries in the classified frames, we identified many of them (38%) as 'national-level state and bureaucratic actors' (Figure 6).
These advocates are usually representatives of the Ministry of Environment (MMA), the federal government agency responsible for environmental policies, and the Brazilian Forest Service, a forestry agency operating under the auspices of the MMA, and also negotiators for Brazil at the COP.
Environmental NGOs (ENGOs) also have considerable relevance in the REDD+ debate.
Advocates and adversaries from domestic ENGOs appear in 17% of articles that have advocates and international ENGOs appear in 13%.The most frequently cited domestic organisation is the Sustainable Amazonas Foundation (FAS), whilst the main international NGO is Greenpeace.
Research centres are also prominent in the media coverage: advocates and adversaries from national centres each appear in 7% of the articles.The most often cited research centre is the National Institute for Space Research (INPE), mainly because of its ongoing programmes for monitoring deforestation in the Amazon by satellite, and the Amazon Institute for Environmental Research (IPAM).
We consider as 'optimistic' those advocates whose views indicate they consider REDD+ to have more positive than negative aspects, and generally support REDD+ policies and schemes.'Pessimistic' advocates To understand the roles that advocates and adversaries play in proposing different frames, we analyse the metatopics as they are discussed by type of actor, outlook and main concern in terms of the 3Es+.For this purpose, we selected the metatopic variables 'Politics and policymaking', 'Economics and market' and 'Ecology', which combined represent 92% of all articles coded.

Metatopic: Politics and policymaking
In the total 121 articles coded as 'Politics and policymaking', 63 advocates and 19 adversaries were coded within the primary frame.
Most advocates (79%) are optimistic regarding REDD+ and negotiations.Amongst the pessimists, we find Brazil's negotiators at the COP, especially when the primary frame is the carbon market, and in articles published in 2007, before the government changed its position on REDD+ to be more amenable to market-based project finance.
Celso Amorin, Minister of Foreign Affairs, explained Brazil's position thus: 'If rich countries want to buy forest credits but continue to pollute, there is no cut in emissions.' 13he main argument of the advocates, when the metatopic of the primary frame was coded as 'Politics and policymaking', is that it is possible to sign an agreement at the COP that benefits the rainforests.In contrast, the adversaries fear that REDD+ could be used by the rich countries as a way to avoid reducing their emissions.In 2006 and 2007, we found scepticism towards the mechanism on the part of national state actors, but a shift occurred between 2007 and 2008, with advocates beginning to agree with REDD+ requirements, generally because of the potential to secure voluntary finance through the means of funds such as the Amazon Fund.

Metatopic: Economics and market
In the total 83 article frames coded as 'Economics and market', 46 advocates and adversaries were identified.'National-level state and bureaucratic actors' form the largest segment of advocates (43%).Within frames related to economic and market topics, we found an even greater proportion of optimistic advocates in relation to REDD+: 80%.
Other co-benefits were of concern to only 6% of advocates with a voice in articles about the economy.
The main argument amongst advocates related to economics and market frames is that it is necessary to value the standing forest.However, one of the main questions is: 'How much will it cost Brazil to keep the forest standing?'-inother words: What are the opportunity costs?They also refer to the requirements for REDD+ mechanisms, access to the carbon market or a combined strategy.
In relation to adversaries, 56% were pessimistic, 38% neutral and 6% optimistic in terms of the future outlook on REDD.Adversaries' main concerns are equity and effectiveness (44% and 37%, respectively), followed by efficiency (19%).
Adversaries generally express doubt as to where the resources for REDD+ could come from and who will benefit.

Metatopic: Ecology
In the total 21 articles coded as 'Ecology', 13 advocates were identified in the primary frame and 7 as adversaries.
In advocates' arguments in articles when the metatopic of the primary frame was coded as 'ecology', REDD+ is discussed as the best proposal for conserving forests and reducing GHG emissions.
For adversaries, the concern expressed is related to leakage (i.e.deforestation could migrate from one area protected by REDD+ to another that does not have the same protection), the risks posed to biodiversity and indigenous rights and poor implementation of the mechanism.
This paper has sought to paint a picture of how the political arena for reducing emissions from deforestation and degradation (REDD+) in Brazil has been represented in media-based discourse from 2005 to 2009.For this purpose, we selected 409 articles in 4 major national Brazilian newspapers, 245 of which were analysed at all levels (descriptive, detailed and in terms of position advocacy) because they discussed REDD+ as a principal issue.
We found that the Brazilian media has given greatest attention to policymaking concerns and economic issues involving finance and carbon markets, at the expense of specific institutional issues (such as REDD+ impacts, land tenure and carbon rights) concerning REDD+ implementation.
If the media perspective reflects actual concerns amongst policy and implementation actors, it may explain the rather slow development of concrete policies and institutional structures needed to implement REDD+, particularly at the national level, where financing REDD+ has been given greater attention than implementing it.However, the results suggest-erroneously-that the REDD+ discourse is still at a rather incipient stage in Brazil.
On the contrary, the REDD+ debate in Brazil is actually quite mature, given Brazil's leadership in the international arena on this topic, as well as the dynamic role of civil society and social movements in this debate and in implementing pilot projects and governance frameworks.
This discrepancy confirms that Brazil's main print media have not been addressing the complex issues of REDD+ implementation, hotly debated in the country's REDD+ policy arena (e.g.several workshops were held on the topic during 2009 to stimulate debate14 ), but not covered by the media.The fact that articles primarily refer to events during which the federal government announced actions oriented towards REDD+ implementation suggests that the more problematic and specific issues debated by civil society (such as participation, rights and implementation) are receiving insufficient media coverage.However, as these issues relate to consultation processes or observation of the actual impact of pilot projects rather than to specific reportable events, this observation is not unexpected.
The media analysis confirms that the REDD+ debate has been dominated by a conflict between actors and interests, which has effectively delayed concrete decisions on REDD+ implementation at the national level, and indeed for many years in international forums.
This conflict has had the effect of creating considerable uncertainty regarding the domestic architecture for REDD+ pending definition of an international framework.This uncertainty has led to reduced investor interest and failure by the private sector to initiate pilot projects.
The analysis also identified which domestic and international events influenced the debate on REDD+ in Brazil.Specific announcements of government policies and positions received greatest attention in newspapers, especially the announcements of the creation of Amazon Fund, and the launch of the Forum of Governors of the Legal Amazon.The main international event is the UNFCCC Conference of the Parties (COP).
We found that the main actors on REDD+ identified in the Brazilian media are bureaucratic actors in the federal government-mainly from the Ministry of Environment and the Brazilian Forest Service-and in the Amazon state governments; some NGOs such as the Sustainable Amazonas Foundation; and research centres, such as the National Institute for Space Research.This range of actors confirms this debate has been dominated by people in positions at the state government level in the Amazon and at key national ENGOs (the primary REDD+ pilot project implementers to date).
Most actors consider REDD+ to be a positive mechanism for reducing deforestation.Any doubts are related to its implementation in Brazil.The major concerns of the frame advocates involve

Summary and conclusions
cost-benefit considerations and the effectiveness of REDD+ in reducing emissions, related to the question of funding REDD+ through carbon markets or donations.
The most prominent actors on Brazilian REDD+ context are Virgílio Viana, director of the Sustainable Amazonas Foundation, and Amazonas Governor Eduardo Braga.They achieved this prominence largely because they were responsible for implementing the only significant-and widely publicised-pilot REDD+ project in the Brazilian Amazon, which was initiated during the study period (the Juma Sustainable Development Reserve).In addition, they created the first state Climate Change Law, which established the Bolsa Floresta Program, a system of payments for environmental services, in the state of Amazonas.
Another finding was the minimal coverage of the participation of indigenous peoples and local populations in debates on REDD+ in Brazil, and that protests involving REDD+ issues do not exist-at least based on their presence in newspaper reporting.It remains to be seen whether more specific institutional issues will receive greater treatment in the national press as REDD+ projects are implemented, or whether the focal point will remain Brazil's insertion into the international policymaking debate on REDD+.These hypotheses will be tested in a follow-up study.

4
The methodology for this analysis was adapted by Monica Di Gregorio of the Development Studies Institute, London School of Economics, from the 'Code book for the analysis of media frames in REDD articles' by Stephan Price (University of Kent) and Clare Saunders (University of Southampton), written in 2009 and applied in a policy research programme on climate change, COMPON, led by Jeffrey Broadbent (University of Minnesota).The long-term scientific goal of COMPON is to explain the variation in national responses to global climate change under the emerging international regime.

Figure 1 .Figure 2 .
Figure 1.Proportion of articles for each primary keyword

Figure 3 .
Figure 3. Evolution of primary frame types by year

Figure 4 .
Figure 4. Number of articles for each primary frame level by year

Policy advances for REDD+ in Brazil
This study is part of CIFOR's Global Comparative Study (GCS) on REDD+, which analyses REDD+ policy, practice and implementation and disseminates lessons learned to a national and global audience. 1OR's goal is to generate knowledge and practical tools to support efforts to reduce forest emissions in ways that are effective, efficient and equitable (3Es) and that generate co-benefits such as poverty alleviation and biodiversity conservation (3Es+).Brazil submitted a proposal for 'compensated reduction' of deforestation to COP 13 in Bali in 2007, and proposed the creation of an Amazon Fund as a mechanism to finance efforts to reduce pressures on remaining forests.Later the same year, a presidential decree established specific procedures to intensify efforts in combating deforestation in 36 municipalities in the so-called 'arc of deforestation' identified as 'hotspots' of forest clearing.Also in 2007, the first state-level policy of REDD+ was established-the state of Amazonas created a Climate Change Law authorising REDD+ projects and payments for environmental services in the state-and civil society organisations launched the 'National Pact to Value the Standing Forest and Reduce Deforestation', demanding zero deforestation in the Amazon.In 2008, the states of Acre, Mato Grosso, Tocantins and Pará began to formulate action plans for preventing deforestation, under the aegis of PPCDAM.All Brazilian Amazon governors presented their strategies for REDD+ at COP 15 in Copenhagen in 2009, indicating their strong interest in accessing funding via the carbon market.toREDD+ stimulated further policy debate during 2010, including the formulation of a national law permitting private landowners to engage in carbon markets. 3.Methodology 4

Table 1 . Variables and levels of media analysis
Angelsen et al. (2009)09)further note that 'co-benefits' (defined as 'benefits in addition to reduced forest related impact on climate change') are important in the REDD+ context and highlight 4 types: (1) forest conservation, such as preserving biodiversity; (2) socio-economic benefits, such as reducing poverty, supporting livelihoods and stimulating economic development (closely allied with the third 'E' for equity); (3) better governance; and (4) adaptation.This working paper forms part of Component 1 of the GCS.Component 1, whose aim is to analyse how national processes to formulate and implement REDD+ policies reflect diverse interests at all levels, is based on the premise that achieving 3E+ outcomes from REDD+ national strategies depends on each country's governance structure, and its actors, mechanisms, policy processes, institutional • Claudio Ângelo, science editor for Folha de S. Paulo • Washington Novaes, journalist at TV Cultura and columnist for O Estado de S. Paulo • Afra Balazina, reporter for O Estado de S. Paulo • Daniela Chiaretti, journalist for Valor Econômico Carlos Minc was appointed the new Minister of Environment.Minc frequently sought media attention, and during his term the actions of the Ministry of Environment were often the subject of press coverage.

Table 3 . Ten most frequently cited organisations by number of mentions
Note: This figure represents a simplified version of the data discussed in more disaggregated form in the text.Figure 7.

Actors' assessment of the future prospects of REDD+, as expressed to the media
6.